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1 Shrestha, P. K.; Shakya, N. M.; Pandey, Vishnu Prasad; Birkinshaw, S. J.; Shrestha, S. 2017. Model-based estimation of land subsidence in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Geomatics, Natural Hazards and Risk, 8(2):974-996. [doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/19475705.2017.1289985]
Land cover ; Subsidence ; Estimation ; Groundwater extraction ; Aquifers ; Water supply ; Development projects ; Hydrology ; Models ; Calibration ; Meteorology ; Forecasting ; Flow discharge ; Recharge ; Valleys ; Population growth ; Urban areas / Nepal / Kathmandu Valley
(Location: IWMI HQ Call no: e-copy only Record No: H048977)
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/19475705.2017.1289985?needAccess=true
https://vlibrary.iwmi.org/pdf/H048977.pdf
https://vlibrary.iwmi.org/pdf/H048977.pdf
(2.21 MB) (2.21 MB)
This study is the first to assess land subsidence in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Land subsidence simulations were based on a fully calibrated groundwater (GW) flow model developed using a coupled surface–subsurface modelling system. Subsidence is predicted to occur as a result of deep aquifer compaction due to excessive GW abstraction. The north and north-east areas at the periphery of the GW basin are hotspots for this subsidence. The estimated subsidence is most sensitive to changes in land cover within the recharge areas. The model shows the Melamchi water supply project assists in the control of subsidence to some extent. In the absence of land subsidence measurements, this paper highlights the location and the potential levels of the subsidence hazard which will be useful for hazard prevention management. Additionally, this work provides a basis to design field investigations, monitoring networks for land subsidence and upgrading the present GW monitoring network. Although the study has presented a preliminary analysis, a more comprehensive model inclusive of clay subsidence is required to address the subsidence vulnerability of the central densely populated core of the valley, which reflects the need for a comprehensive database of the hydrogeology in the valley.
2 van Koppen, Barbara; Raut, Manita; Rajouria, Alok; Khadka, Manohara; Pradhan, P.; GC, R. K.; Colavito, L.; O’Hara, C.; Rautanen, S.-L.; Nepal, P. R.; Shrestha, P. K.. 2022. Gender equality and social inclusion in community-led multiple use water services in Nepal. Colombo, Sri Lanka: International Water Management Institute (IWMI). 29p. (IWMI Working Paper 203) [doi: https://doi.org/10.5337/2022.200]
Multiple use water services ; Gender equality ; Social inclusion ; Community involvement ; Water resources ; Water supply ; Supply chains ; Right to water ; Water availability ; Drinking water ; Domestic water ; Water, sanitation and hygiene ; Participatory approaches ; Decision making ; Governmental organizations ; Non-governmental organizations ; Households ; Women ; Livelihoods ; Vulnerability ; Water sharing ; Solar energy ; Food security ; Nexus ; Rural areas ; Water systems ; Infrastructure ; Irrigation ; Small scale systems ; Sustainability ; Benefit-cost ratio ; Financing ; Income ; Competition / Nepal / Dailekh / Sarlahi
(Location: IWMI HQ Call no: IWMI Record No: H050908)
(1.21 MB)
The Constitution of Nepal 2015 enshrines everyone’s right of access to clean water for drinking and the right to food. The common operationalization of the right to water for drinking is providing access to infrastructure that brings water for drinking and other basic domestic uses near and at homesteads. Challenges to achieving this goal in rural areas include: low functionality of water systems; expansion of informal self supply for multiple uses; widespread de facto productive uses of water systems designed for domestic uses; growing competition for finite water resources; and male elite capture in polycentric decision-making. This paper traces how the Nepali government and nongovernmental organizations in the water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH), irrigation and other sectors have joined forces since the early 2000s to address these challenges by innovating community-led multiple use water services (MUS). The present literature review of these processes complemented by field research supported by the Water for Women Fund focuses on women in vulnerable households.
Overcoming sectoral silos, these organizations support what is often seen as the sole responsibility of the WASH sector: targeting infrastructure development to bring sufficient water near and at homesteads of those left behind. Women’s priorities for using this water are respected and supported, which often includes productive uses, also at basic volumes. In line with decentralized federalism, inclusive community-led MUS planning processes build on vulnerable households’ self supply, commonly for multiple uses, and follow their priorities for local incremental infrastructure improvements. Further, community-led MUS builds on community-based arrangements for ‘sharing in’ and ‘sharing out’ the finite water resources in and under communities’ social territories. This realizes the constitutional right to food in line with the Nepal Water Resources Act, 1992, which prioritizes core minimum volumes of water for everyone’s domestic uses and many households’ irrigation. Evidence shows how the alleviation of domestic chores, women’s stronger control over food production for nutrition and income, and more sustainable infrastructure mutually reinforce each other in virtuous circles out of gendered poverty. However, the main challenge remains the inclusion of women and vulnerable households in participatory processes.
Overcoming sectoral silos, these organizations support what is often seen as the sole responsibility of the WASH sector: targeting infrastructure development to bring sufficient water near and at homesteads of those left behind. Women’s priorities for using this water are respected and supported, which often includes productive uses, also at basic volumes. In line with decentralized federalism, inclusive community-led MUS planning processes build on vulnerable households’ self supply, commonly for multiple uses, and follow their priorities for local incremental infrastructure improvements. Further, community-led MUS builds on community-based arrangements for ‘sharing in’ and ‘sharing out’ the finite water resources in and under communities’ social territories. This realizes the constitutional right to food in line with the Nepal Water Resources Act, 1992, which prioritizes core minimum volumes of water for everyone’s domestic uses and many households’ irrigation. Evidence shows how the alleviation of domestic chores, women’s stronger control over food production for nutrition and income, and more sustainable infrastructure mutually reinforce each other in virtuous circles out of gendered poverty. However, the main challenge remains the inclusion of women and vulnerable households in participatory processes.
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